Introduction

Russia's 2023 foreign policy concept, the first since its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, underscored Moscow's desire to reshape the global order and its vision for a multipolar world. Key themes of the concept include Russia’s self-perception as a great power, its rejection of the U.S.-led “rules-based international order,” and its insistence on governance by international law, as defined by the United Nations (though obviously it does not actually follow international law). The document highlights Russia's belief in a global power struggle between Western nations and the rest of the world, which it associates with “traditional values” and opposition to unipolarity. The concept implicitly and explicitly ties the war in Ukraine to Russia's broader strategy, framing its invasion as a defense of its interests and an effort to protect Russian-speaking populations and allies abroad. It reinforces Russia's view of the post-Soviet region as its sphere of influence, prioritizing its security concerns over the sovereignty of its neighbors.

Russia’s pivot away from Europe and the U.S. toward China and the Global South is another central feature. The document emphasizes strengthening ties with these regions while invoking narratives of colonialism and inequality to court non-Western countries. This shift seeks to position Russia as a unique “country-civilization” and a key player in a multipolar world, rejecting the need for alignment with Western norms and values. Overall, the foreign policy concept reflects a deepening commitment to redefining the global order, continuing the war in Ukraine under the guise of security concerns, and fostering alliances with non-Western nations to counterbalance Western influence.

Historical Ideology

George Kennan, probably the greatest observer of Russian/Soviet affairs, described in his famous “Long Telegram” in 1946 the essential nature of the Russian/Soviet character that would hold even in the post-Soviet world. Kennan was stationed in the Soviet Union during World War II, and he was devoted to studying Russian history, literature, and politics. In the telegram, Kennan noted, “At bottom of Kremlin's neurotic view of world affairs is traditional and instinctive Russian sense of insecurity…And they have learned to seek security only in patient but deadly struggle for total destruction of rival power, never in compacts and compromises with it.” Insecurity about the world, both internal chaos and external threats, led Russians to support those strong leaders. In a later article in 1951, Kennan wrote, “No ruling group likes to admit that it can govern its people only by regarding and treating them as criminals. For this reason there is always a tendency to justify internal oppression by pointing to the menacing iniquity of the outside world.” Observe the language choices by Kennan. He is speaking to that insecurity and need for control that Russia leaders pursue and that informs their foreign policy decisions. One can also see this approach through the Okhrana (internal intelligence) and how the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia used similar counter-intelligence agencies.

In modern Russia, Aleksandr Dugin became the go-to philosopher for expounding the latest iteration of this worldview. Dugin wrote The Fourth Political Theory in 2009, and the book became the intellectual justification for Putin’s rule. The Fourth Political Theory rejects liberalism, Marxism, and fascism, but then it takes from each of them to form a “timeless, non-modern theory” concerning Dasein (existence). Notice the use of that particular term. Dasein is the term German philosopher Martin Heidegger used in his text Being and Time (1927), and his understanding of existence is easily grafted onto the Russian pessimistic view. Then there is his understanding of geopolitics. According to Dugin, Russia must pursue a new Eurasian empire to counter the United States and Atlanticism because the West is a security and cultural threat to Russia. As he wrote in his 1997 book The Foundations of Geopolitics, “The new Eurasian empire will be constructed on the fundamental principle of the common enemy: the rejection of Atlanticism, strategic control of the USA, and the refusal to allow liberal values to dominate us.” The importance of Dugin for explaining the neo-czarist justifications of Putin’s actions is why Ukraine attempted to neutralize him (though they accidentally killed his daughter instead).

One can easily see the application of Russia’s worldview to their foreign policy. Start little more than a decade ago when Putin began using Russian power to expand its territory slowly and attempting to destabilize its neighbors. There was the cyberattacks against Estonia in 2007, invasion of Georgia in 2008, the initial theft of Crimea in 2014, support of Assad’s Syria in 2015-present, and intervention in the Central African Republic (2018-present) and Mali (2021-present). Then there are the smaller or non-kinetic attacks, like disinformation and election interference from the United States to Moldova.

Examples of Russia's "New Foreign Policy"

The following looks at how Russia is engaging its foreign policy to achieve its objectives of breaking the power of the West, reshaping the global order towards a multipolar world, and promoting “traditionalism.”

Disinformation and Europe

Starting with Russia’s closest enemies, Putin’s government primarily uses disinformation to create dissension throughout the continent and undermine democracy. He does so because he believes this will weaken the European Union and NATO.

In 2025, Russia is expected to escalate its use of disinformation and hybrid warfare to exploit political divisions and weaken Western unity, particularly in Europe. With limited conventional military threats, the Kremlin is focusing on unconventional tactics such as propaganda, hacking, and misinformation to disrupt European politics and diminish support for Ukraine. Rising populism, economic uncertainty, and distrust among European nations create an ideal environment for Russian interference, with far-right, pro-Kremlin parties gaining traction in countries like France, Germany, and Austria. Disinformation campaigns aim to sow distrust, discredit governments, and promote pro-Russian narratives, as seen in past efforts to influence elections in Romania, Moldova, and Georgia. Additionally, Russia continues to weaponize energy, blaming Ukraine and Moldova for gas shortages and framing the EU as unreliable, while rising gas prices and energy crises further amplify these narratives. The rollback of moderation policies by U.S. tech companies like Meta and X has also enabled disinformation to spread more freely, exacerbating divisions among European audiences. By undermining Western stability and unity, Russia seeks to weaken European support for Ukraine, pressure leaders, and create opportunities for favorable negotiations with the U.S. and Ukraine. Through these efforts, Putin aims to destabilize the West, strengthen Russia’s geopolitical position, and advance his vision for Eastern Europe.

China Alliance

Russia’s pursuit of a strategic alignment with China is their clearest indication of trying to maintain great power status while furthering the idea of a multipolar world. China and Russia have deepened their partnership over the past decade, aligning their efforts to undermine the U.S.-led international order and Western values. Both countries share grievances against perceived U.S. dominance and advocate for a "new framework" that challenges the existing Euro-Atlantic system. At the July 2024 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, Putin criticized U.S. policies, blaming the West for global instability and the war in Ukraine, while Xi emphasized resisting external interference, particularly from the United States.

China’s support for Russia’s war in Ukraine, including providing dual-use materials and legitimizing Moscow’s narrative of Western aggression, has enabled Russia to sustain its aggression, undermining principles of sovereignty and threatening NATO allies. China has supported Russia's war in Ukraine through disinformation campaigns, framing the invasion as a "special military operation" provoked by NATO and the U.S. Beijing’s peace proposal opposes sanctions and legitimizes Russia’s territorial claims. Despite this, China has sought to rally developing nations, such as Brazil, to support its plan, while leveraging diplomatic ties with Hungary to exploit fractures within NATO. Together, Beijing and Moscow work to weaken U.S. leadership by promoting narratives of American decline, creating alternative financial systems, and aligning with the Global South to diminish Western influence. This appeal to middle powers, such as Turkey, South Africa, and Brazil, strengthens their geopolitical capital and limits U.S. influence.

Their military and technological collaboration also poses a significant challenge for the West. Joint exercises, live-fire drills, and research partnerships in advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence and quantum computing complicate U.S. and NATO strategic planning, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. By presenting a united front, China and Russia are reshaping the global order, offering an alternative model that appeals to states dissatisfied with the current system. In the Indo-Pacific, China and Russia collaborate to counter U.S. influence. Russia has backed China’s sovereignty claims over Taiwan and opposed Western alliances like the Quad and AUKUS, accusing them of militarizing the region. Joint diplomatic efforts include blocking international statements critical of China’s actions in the South China Sea. This strategic partnership reflects a shared goal to "rebalance power" globally, erode American leadership, and reshape the world order to suit their authoritarian interests, marking a significant challenge to U.S. and Western dominance.

Iran

The other major player in helping Russia attempt multipolarity is America’s long-time enemy. Iran and Russia recently signed an agreement to deepen their military, security, and technological ties, with a strong focus on cybersecurity and internet regulation. The deal aims to enhance collaboration in countering cybercrime, managing domestic internet segments, and promoting stricter global regulations for international tech companies. Both nations, known for their heavy censorship, surveillance, and restricted internet access, are leveraging this agreement to formalize their growing partnership in controlling digital spaces. Discussions have also been held on exporting Russian technology to Iran and collaborating on telecommunications, with Russian firms like Positive Technologies already contributing to Iran’s cybersecurity efforts. This partnership reflects their shared goal of asserting greater control over digital environments and resisting Western influence in cyberspace.

The treaty is more symbolic than transformative, formalizing their deepening ties since Russia's isolation from the West began in 2022. While touted as a breakthrough, the treaty imposes no direct obligations and largely reiterates existing agreements on areas like energy, trade, and security. It lacks significant military provisions, reflecting both countries' reluctance to form a full military alliance.

Iran has also confirmed the purchase of Russian-made Sukhoi-35 fighter jets, marking a significant development in the growing military ties between Tehran and Moscow. While the number of jets and their delivery status remain unclear, the announcement highlights Iran’s efforts to strengthen its air, land, and naval forces, alongside increased domestic military production. This move has raised concerns in the West, especially given the strategic partnership signed between Iran and Russia earlier in the year, which emphasized military-technical cooperation. However, Russia is no longer reliant on Iranian drones as it was earlier in the Ukraine war, focusing on domestic production and localized manufacturing of Iranian designs. Iran, facing its own military setbacks in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, is interested in acquiring Russian weapons, but Moscow remains cautious, mindful of regional sensitivities with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Burkina Faso

In Africa, Russia has pursued a policy of combining support for traditional religious beliefs with deepening military alliances. Burkina Faso offers a strong case study on this happening. Russia has significantly expanded its influence in Burkina Faso, capitalizing on growing anti-French sentiment and dissatisfaction with France’s inability to curb armed groups in the Sahel region. Following the military coup in 2022, Russian flags and pro-Russian activities became prominent in the capital, Ouagadougou, as the country shifted its alliances from Western powers to Moscow. Russia’s efforts include military cooperation under Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s leadership, with Russian military advisors arriving in Burkina Faso in late 2023. This mirrors Russia’s strategy in the Central African Republic (CAR), often described as a “laboratory” for Russian influence in Africa. Culturally, Russia is promoting its image through initiatives like free Russian language courses, public events, and even a sambo martial arts tournament dedicated to Vladimir Putin. Moscow’s approach blends diplomacy, military support, and cultural initiatives, positioning itself as Burkina Faso’s primary partner while reducing French influence. This partnership reflects a broader trend of Russia leveraging dissatisfaction with Western powers to expand its reach in Africa.

Russia’s Defense Minister Andrei Belousov met with Burkina Faso’s Prime Minister Apollinaire J. Kyelem de Tambela in Moscow to discuss expanding military ties in October 2024. This meeting reflects Moscow’s broader strategy of strengthening its military, diplomatic, and economic influence in Africa, particularly as it competes with the West for global influence following the war in Ukraine. Furthermore, Burkina Faso has hosted Africa Corps (Wagner Group) forces, and Russia has also sent additional military supplies and instructors to Burkina Faso, aiming to bolster its defense capabilities and support its fight against terrorism.

Quite telling is that Russia does not try to force Burkina Faso to give up its traditional beliefs. In July 2024, Burkina Faso’s military junta announced plans to criminalize homosexual acts, marking a significant shift in its legal stance on LGBTQ rights. Previously, same-sex relations were not outlawed in the socially conservative West African nation. This decision aligns Burkina Faso with a growing trend in Africa, where several states, including Uganda, Mali, and Ghana, have recently intensified crackdowns on LGBTQ communities despite strong opposition from Western powers and local rights groups. Uganda, for instance, enacted an anti-gay law allowing the death penalty for "aggravated homosexuality," prompting international backlash, including the suspension of World Bank loans and U.S. trade benefits. However, Russia continues to support Burkina Faso, and Putin tends to agree with a harsher view of the LGBTQ community. In 2023, the Russian Supreme Court ruled that the “international LGBT movement” was an “extremist organization.” By aligning with the traditional values of places like Burkina Faso, Russia is able to increase cultural ties and turn these countries against Western governments that attempt to impose secularism and liberalism.

Implications

Russia’s "new foreign policy" is defined by its rejection of the U.S.-led international order, its pursuit of a multipolar world, and its aggressive efforts to reassert global influence through alliances, economic leverage, and hybrid tactics. This approach destabilizes global politics in multiple ways. First, Russia seeks to undermine the rules-based international order by promoting alternative frameworks like the SCO, which advocates for authoritarian governance models and bypass Western sanctions. Simultaneously, Moscow delegitimizes international norms by framing the West as hypocritical aggressors, challenging principles such as sovereignty and territorial integrity and encouraging other nations to do the same. Second, Russia’s engagement with the Global South, particularly through military aid and economic partnerships, further challenges Western influence in these regions. Third, hybrid warfare tactics, including disinformation campaigns and cyberwarfare, are employed to fracture alliances like NATO, exploit political divisions, and destabilize Western nations. Russia’s use of military proxies, such as the Wagner Group, extends its influence in regions like Africa, protecting regimes and undermining Western interests. Fourth, Russia offers strategic partnerships to countries like China and Iran creating alternative poles of influence and weakening international coalitions. Finally, military escalation contributes to global instability, as Russia supports authoritarian regimes in countries like Syria, Burkina Faso, and Mali, fueling regional conflicts and suppressing democratization efforts. Its expanded military presence, joint exercises with China, and provocations in regions like the Indo-Pacific heighten the risk of militarization and great-power conflict, further destabilizing global politics.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly those focused on human rights, democracy promotion, and development, face significant threats from Russia’s foreign policy strategies, both directly through targeted actions and indirectly through broader destabilizing efforts. One key threat is the undermining of NGO legitimacy. Russia spreads disinformation portraying Western-affiliated NGOs as agents of foreign interference or tools for regime change, a narrative that resonates in regions like Africa and undermines trust in NGO programs. Additionally, Russian-backed regimes, such as those in Burkina Faso and Syria, often frame NGOs as security threats, creating hostile environments where NGOs face restrictions or outright bans.

NGOs also encounter operational challenges due to restricted access. Russia’s support for authoritarian governments emboldens them to enact restrictive laws limiting foreign funding or imposing bureaucratic hurdles, hampering NGO activities. Increased militarization in Russian-influenced states redirects resources away from development and humanitarian needs, reducing NGOs’ ability to reach affected populations. Direct threats to NGO personnel further compound these challenges. In countries where Russian proxies like Wagner operate, NGO staff face harassment, detention, or violence, as seen in the Central African Republic and Burkina Faso. Additionally, regional instability fueled by Russia’s policies, such as ongoing conflict in Ukraine and escalations in Africa, endangers NGO workers and impedes humanitarian efforts.

Finally, Russia’s actions hinder democratic development. By supporting regimes that prioritize repression over democratic accountability, Russia obstructs NGOs working on governance reforms, election monitoring, and human rights. Its focus on military and state-centric partnerships marginalizes civil society actors, weakening NGOs’ influence and advocacy for marginalized populations. Finally, Russia’s foreign policy erodes funding and resources for NGOs. Moreover, Russia’s efforts to foster divisions within international institutions disrupt coordinated humanitarian aid flows, further complicating NGO operations in critical regions.

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